Our modern understanding of cultural appropriation is highly individualised. It's all about what Halloween costume you wear, or who's cooking biryani. But the way in which the idea was first used was to describe a relationship of dominance and exploitation between a global ruling class and a globally subjugated one.
Feminism isn't about curating or policing the boundaries of womanhood.
When you're a second- or third-generation migrant, your ties to your heritage can feel a little precarious. You're a foreigner here, you're a tourist back in your ancestral land, and home is the magpie nest you construct of the bits of culture you're able to hold close.
My great-great-aunt was a terrorist. I'm not talking about the sense in which the pacifist Mahatma Gandhi was branded a terrorist by the British parliament in 1932: Pritilata Waddedar was an active participant in armed struggle against the British state. She supplied explosives. She fired a gun. And I'm proud of it.
I mean, the thing is, is that Britain has got a great tradition of irreverent political satire.
Our priorities are all wrong if we only care about how long people are in prison for, and not what goes on inside them, and what happens after people are released.
Britain's done a lot of changing in the past 50 years. The decline of manufacturing and heavy industry under Margaret Thatcher ripped the economic heart out of huge swathes of the country, and dramatically transformed class composition.
International Women's Day, if it is to claim any kind of political relevance, has to reject ladies' Christmas consumerism and lowest-common-denominator universalism. Look beyond the pink beer and pyjamas; as feminists we need to be concerned with payslips and passports.
My mum was an anti-racist activist in the 70s and 80s.
The key to stopping the hard-right nationalist forces poised to pounce on Brexit isn't going to be finessing a reprieve for the status quo. It's about actively creating consent for meaningful change, and expanding democratic participation beyond a second referendum.
I believe that nothing so arbitrary as money should be able to come between a person and the means of survival. And that's a really fancy way of saying that it doesn't matter if you're poor - you should have top-quality health care.
I can't help but feel that trying to locate a universal femininity in either consumer culture or particular bodily functions serves as a way to opt out of dealing with the multiple processes that impede our full participation in society.
The Simpsons has shaped my psychology to a degree one would usually attribute to a parent, or a particularly devout upbringing. I am a zealot.
While I agree that embracing vibrancy and joy is an essential bulwark against the left's tendency towards energy-sapping endless meetings, pop culture alone won't save us from racism.
Nothing in this life is certain aside from death, taxes and English literature graduates writing in the Guardian and spoiling your enjoyment of things you had previously thought were fine.
Lots of us have been plugging away, building a platform to talk about libertarian communism and post-scarcity economics.
This is what people have been missing: politics shouldn't be about the dour cultishness and pomposity that dominated the left for decades - it should be joyful and exuberant.
As a long-termist, I acknowledge there are more pressing causes than the abolition of private property.
If you want any hope of staying in the EU, or having a Brexit that doesn't mean capitulation to ethno-nationalism, you've got to tie it to a wider vision of political and economic transformation.
There shouldn't be a barrier between rich and poor in terms of the kind of health care that they can access.
