The red directors were one of the main political forces. Another force was the former Soviet ministers who lost everything because of the transformation of the Soviet Union to Russia.
The diversification of the people's demand could not be followed by the state apparatus.
I'm communicating with the directors of the Soviet companies, and I see that it is wrong, but when I go to the official discussions, they discuss we should change the color of the walls.
If I just produce the transparent ideal accepted by the Western experts, a process of privatization which will be very good but never happen, that means nothing.
During the election in 1989, there was the first Soviet election with alternative candidates to local government. I myself arranged special training for them.
Each university should have a Young Scholars' Committee. I became the chairman of this Committee, and immediately it was permitted to have this plan officially adopted.
For the producers, there was no reason to produce. You get money, but you couldn't use this money. For consumers, you could have money, but you have no way to use it because you go to the shop and see nothing.
For the whole of Western Europe, I know the business community quite good.
I am joining the government not from the academic position but from St. Petersburg city council.
I joined the city government, and we start to operate as the bureaucrats on the local level, so we were the only ones in the whole Russian team who were experienced in practical bureaucratic management in the complicated condition of 1990.
I went to government for making these changes. I remember a number of guys among these important figures.
In 1995 the whole political situation was very complicated. I was the first deputy prime minister, and at the same time I had very low influence in the government.
It was almost forbidden in the Soviet Union to study the New Economic Policy.
Private property is a very fundamental and very long-term institution.